Much of life in 18th Century London was lived publicly: people loitered, worked, shopped, stole, ate, drank, had sex, fought, apprehended and punished criminals
In 1715, at the time of the Jacobite rebellion, people shouted 'No Hanoverian, no Presbyterian!' or 'King George for ever!' in the streets and wore white roses to show their support for the Pretender, or miniature warming pans, a reference to the Pretender's allegedly illegitimate origins, if they were Whigs.
Effigies of the Pope and Oliver Cromwell were burnt, and on the anniversary of the restoration of Charles II, windows which weren't lit up in support of the Tory cause were smashed.
Risings continued throughout the century - defending radical politician John Wilkes, opposing low-wage Irish labour or new taxes, celebrating a royal wedding or birth - largely tolerated and sometimes encouraged by the authorities.
But in 1780, the devastation caused by the anti-Catholic Gordon Riots finally transformed attitudes to popular demonstrations.
Hundreds of people died and hundreds of thousands of pounds worth of damage was caused during six days of destruction and looting.
Thereafter, the use of drums and cockades was discouraged, and newspapers and politicians became more cautious about trying to whip up the crowd.
Soldiers were employed more and more frequently to quell riots. The mob was increasingly seen as frightening and outofcontrol, rather than a valuable expression of public opinion.
Voluntary societies and public meetings, taking place inside rather than outside on the streets, were more effective means of amassing widespread support for specific causes.
Individual incidents of violence on the streets also abated during this period. Duels between gentlemen over matters of honour became private affairs, conducted in secret, while fist-fights between working men developed into boxing matches, a spectator sport rather than a way of settling grievances.
Though the overall figures did not rise, murders and assaults taking place indoors began proportionately to outnumber those taking place outside, as the streets became safer.
While means of protesting policy shifted from the public to the private arena, responsibility for policing the streets shifted from individuals to the state.
At the start of this period, a victim of a crime was expected to discover, apprehend and bring his assailant to a magistrate to receive justice. By the end of the century, a victim would report a crime to a Justice of the Peace and expect him to bring the criminal to justice.
Onlookers were increasingly hesitant in responding to cries for help, fearful for their own safety and reluctant to interfere in strangers' business.
Shoemaker's extensive use of primary sources to illustrate his arguments lends this scholarly account of the role of disorder on London's streets freshness and immediacy.
The London Mob is a fascinating, highly detailed analysis of a period of immense change in the history of London and Londoners.